By Marcelo Svirsky
Controversially, Svirsky argues that the Zionist political undertaking can't be mounted - it really is person who negatively impacts the lives of its beneficiaries in addition to of its sufferers. in its place, the ebook goals to generate a reflective angle, permitting Jewish-Israelis to discover how they might divest themselves of Zionist identities by means of attractive with dissident rationalities, practices and institutions.
Ultimately, the creation of army and know-how that is helping Israel keep watch over the lives of Palestinians, of separate rules, legislation and areas for Jews and Palestinians, are all associated with the construction of Zionist subjectivities and modes of being. Overcoming those modes of being is to after Israel.
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The path we take here is to favour critical voices and practices that assist in freeing us from the historical burden of Zionism, helping to eradicate from the body our Zionist organs – those organs that make us part and parcel of the melting pot of hatred. In more ways than one, this is about deactivating the organisation of the body, weakening the consistency across its extant functions and organs, letting the body become a disorganised platform upon which new organic functions grow and new forms of organisation may take place.
Women in this critique are seen as the keepers, the biological and social reproducers, of the nation state, and as such their domestic, familial or mothering roles are seen to be a priority over all other (public) roles they might play’ (2011: 31; see also Sharoni 1995). Whenever this critique assists in the deterritorialisation of Zionist social roles, the text refers back to the critical understanding of ‘motherhood as a national mission’ (Herzog 2003: 158), through which the role of gender becomes visible.
All the authors in this edited collection start from two axioms – that of perceiving introductionâ•›â•›|â•›â•› 35 the Israeli-Palestinian condition in terms of conflict and the right to self-determination – they differ only in the ways they think this right should be pursued by both Palestinians and Israelis. All the combinations of land, rights and sovereignty they suggest are deeply anchored in the divisive seas of the right to self-determination. Like the literature I referred to above, the Tel Aviv University collection suffers from that academic disorder, so prevalent among political scientists, of disjointing a given actuality and its already existing ruptures.
After Israel: Towards Cultural Transformation by Marcelo Svirsky