By Peter D. Feaver
How do civilians keep watch over the army? within the wake of September eleven, the renewed presence of nationwide protection in way of life has made this question the entire extra urgent. during this publication, Peter Feaver proposes an formidable new idea that treats civil-military family members as a principal-agent courting, with the civilian government tracking the activities of army brokers, the ''armed servants'' of the countryside. army obedience isn't computerized yet is determined by strategic calculations of no matter if civilians will capture and punish misbehavior.
This version demanding situations Samuel Huntington's professionalism-based version of civil-military kin, and offers an cutting edge method of creating feel of the U.S. chilly struggle and post-Cold warfare experience--especially the distinctively stormy civil-military family members of the Clinton period. within the decade after the chilly conflict ended, civilians and the army had numerous run-ins over even if and the way to take advantage of army strength. those episodes, as interpreted via enterprise idea, contradict the normal knowledge that civil-military kin topic provided that there's threat of a coup. to the contrary, army professionalism doesn't on its own make sure unchallenged civilian authority. As Feaver argues, service provider conception deals the easiest beginning for brooding about relatives among army and civilian leaders, now and sooner or later.
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Extra info for Armed Servants: Agency, Oversight, and Civil-Military Relations
This explanation is logically possible, and since this book is not intended to be an exhaustive analysis of why the United States won the Cold War, it cannot be dismissed entirely. However, even if it is decided that the United States prevailed in the Cold War for reasons having little to do with Huntington’s core theory, it is still worthwhile investigating whether the Cold War outcome supports or challenges Huntington’s model. S. 2 This does not, in fact, satisfactorily rescue Huntington’s theory.
9–11). In his words: “The argument advanced in The Soldier and the State in 1957 was that, given the existing international situation, ‘the requisite for military security’ was a shift from liberalism to a ‘sympathetically conservative’ attitude toward the needs of military professionalism. To a surprising extent, that shift occurred” (p. 26). Huntington marshaled a variety of evidence to support the claim that such a profound ideological shift had occurred. ” Such an elite view was matched by parallel support among the mass public, at least through the mid-1960s (Goodpaster and Huntington 1977, p.
Huntington acknowledged that his threat variable declined coincident with declining force levels. He did not, however, conclude (as I do) that this provided a more compelling explanation for the force level declines than liberal antimilitarism (Goodpaster and Huntington 1977, p. 13). S. national security (Russett 1990, pp. 87–118). More to the point, viewed in context with the other polling information about public respect for the military, cited above, attitudes about the need for increases or decreases in the defense budget are not reliable indicators of an underlying liberal hostility toward the military.
Armed Servants: Agency, Oversight, and Civil-Military Relations by Peter D. Feaver